SYRIA: THE BEGINNING OF THE END.
Hugh Graham, April 17, 2012
In the wake of Kofi Annan’s fragile peace
initiative in Syria and the Western mission for rights and democracy, the messy
twilight drama of the Arab Spring will probably not produce anything the West
will recognize. Two centuries ago, according to one theory, the imposition of
western ideology through military force began with Napoleon. After the
agonizing debate about limitations on military humanitarian intervention in
Libya and in Syria, not to mention the quagmires of Iraq and Afghanistan, the
West has become extremely careful about when and where it intervenes. And whatever
the outcome, it will not be the sort of thing the West has hoped for. In fact,
it appears, culture will trump politics.
A simpler, more idealistic result was
suggested by Raymond Fukuyama, in his 1992 book, The End of History and The Last Man. There, Fukuyama claimed that a long historical process
had ended with the fall of Communism, the victory of Liberal Democracy and its
inevitable spread across the globe. He got the idea from the philosopher
Alexander Kojeve. Kojeve wrote that the spread of western ideology by military
means was conceived with the Liberal Democratic ideals of the French Revolution
and took root when Napoleon began his conquest of monarchist, continental
Europe with the Battle of Jena in 1806.
This “Robespierran Bonapartism” played itself out through the global triumphs
of Communism and Liberal Democracy in two world wars and several revolutions.
Kofi Annan’s Syrian peace deal
will not lead to any such triumph. It’s meant to get UN peacekeepers and
observers to stand between the Syrian military and its opponents. With a great
deal of luck it may even negotiate a graceful exit for President Assad and the
gradual implementation of democracy. What the UN plan will never do, despite
its best efforts, is determine what kind of democracy Syria will end up with.
In many respects, the UN has been
playing a backup role to Western military intervention. Where military means
are precarious, the UN slowly works its way in to stem the flow of blood. If
that works, there follows some gentle form of regime change and even gentler
implementation of democracy. There it ends. Not in Napoleon’s Liberty, Equality
and Fraternity, not in the universal protection of rights but rather, in a sort
of fill-in-the-blanks idea of democracy.
That is why most media pundits
seem afraid to look hard into the future of the Arab Spring. What opinion there
is seems to be divided between the Alarmists and the Polyannas. The Alarmists
see Al Qaeda and other Islamist extremists moving into political vacuums all
across the Middle East at the expense of rights, democracy and Western security.
The Polyannas see young secularists armed with Facebook and Twitter bringing
rights and democracy to the entire region.
The real prognosis, at least as far as it can be deciphered, looks more
like moderate Islamism. Enneada in Tunisia and the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party in Egypt are
already defining their own ideas of democracy. Yet neither wants anything to do
with Al Qaeda. And if the parties don’t particularly love Israel, they don’t
want trouble with it. Their biggest concern is economic prosperity. Both believe
that a foundation in Islamic Law must precede democracy.
Everywhere, culture is trumping
politics. Across the Middle East, other Muslim Brotherhood groups and similar
parties whose main concern is the rule of Islamic Law are starting to look like
the future. Meanwhile, as Western
institutions fumble nervously around the edges of the bloody Assad regime in Damascus, we can
be certain that the old “Robespierran Bonapartism” of 1806 is coming to an
end.
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